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A community for the latest discussions about the cutting edge of crypto design, it's culture and significant crypto news. Decentralize everything. Check out our [Community Guidelines](https://relevant.community/crypto/post/6122269e61d1cd005a877277/62427d3ed587ad005b647828)
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Really sharp angle on thinking about the value of governance tokens, where a holder’s ability to decide a vote (I.e. their “decisiveness”) is a function of the specific distribution of tokens. A couple thoughts: - this certainly relies on some anti-Sybil measures, as the existence of Sybil accounts would ruin the ability to measure the true token distribution among governance participants - I wonder if there’s a valid connection here to the Hotelling model, which is much of the theory behind why political parties often converge at the center. Is this just in two-party systems? How should we think about this in terms of crypto governance?
Really sharp angle on thinking about the value of governance tokens, where a holder’s ability to decide a vote (I.e. their “decisiveness”) is a function of the specific distribution of tokens. A couple thoughts: - this certainly relies on some anti-Sybil measures, as the existence of Sybil accounts would ruin the ability to measure the true token distribution among governance participants - I wonder if there’s a valid connection here to the Hotelling model, which is much of the theory behind why political parties often converge at the center. Is this just in two-party systems? How should we think about this in terms of crypto governance?
Yep, you would definitely want to know if some voters were colluding as that effectively changes the distribution. But the model would be able to model/take into account collusion in general.
Yep, you would definitely want to know if some voters were colluding as that effectively changes the distribution. But the model would be able to model/take into account collusion in general.
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